After the Nazi Party suffered a defeat in the November 1932 Reichstag elections, but won about one-third of the votes, President Paul von Hindenburg decided to name Adolf Hitler the Chancellor of Germany. This appointment, however, did not guarantee the Nazis the totalitarian control they sought. To fulfil Hitler's ideology - to forge the Nazi Reich - they had to achieve unrestricted control of political life and total domination of society. Therefore, in the first few years of Hitler's regime, he and his associates laboured hard to transform the governmental and legal mechanism of the state, devise a new economic policy, set foreign-policy goals, and remake culture and society.
The Seizure of Power
The Appointment of Hitler
On January 30, 1933, Hitler took office in a manner not notably different from that of previous Chancellors, he was appointed by the President of the Reich. He swore the same oath as his predecessors, and like all Weimar Chancellors, his government was to be based on a coalition he had managed to form. Only three of the eleven ministers in the new government were Nazis. In many ways Hitler appeared to be yet another chancellor of the Weimar Republic. However, some recognised the importance of the change in regime as soon as the new Chancellor took power.
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Reactions to the Appointment
From the diary of Joseph Goebbels, soon to become the Minister of Propaganda in Hitler's government, January 30, 1933:
It seems like a dream. The Wilhelmstrasse is ours. The leader is already working in Chancellery. We stand in the window upstairs, watching hundreds and thousands of people march past the aged President of the Reich and the young Chancellor in the flaming torchlight, shouting their joy and gratitude... It has come! The leader is appointed Chancellor'. (Sax & Kuntz 121-3)
From the diary of Julius Leber, a delegate to the Reichstag from the Social- Democratic Party, January 30, 1933:
Now it is obvious to any onlooker. Hitler is Chancellor, Papen Vice-Chancellor, Hugenberg - Minister of Economy. How will this government act? We know its aims, but what are the next steps that will be taken? - No one can tell. The dangers are terrible, but the power of the workers is indisputable. We are not afraid of the ruling power. We are determined to start our struggle'. (Becker 31)
From a letter written by the Christian theologian, Prof. Karl Barth, to his mother, February 1, 1933:
Now Hitler is ruling the German Reich. I do not believe that there will be any great changes. Germany is too big a body to be moved easily...Moreover, the German people lack the daring needed to create a Mussolini style rule, or execute a counter-revolution'. (Becker 35)
The following videotaped testimony was given by a citizen of Berlin, who explains that for her, Hitler's election and victory meant that power would be handed to someone who would put things in order, at long last'.
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In spite of the question marks raised by Hitler's appointment, growing numbers of the German public expressed support of the new regime, and a consensus began to form regarding Hitler's central role in the life of the state and society. In order to reinforce his absolute hold on the regime, however, Hitler quickly took a number of concrete measures that decisively enhanced his power.
Consolidating Power
Within days of his appointment, he began issuing emergency orders to suppress opposition political activity. This measure was reinforced by a systematic process of 'co-ordination' ( Gleichschaltung ), that integrated all of German society with the Nazi German State. The Nazis relied on consensus building and on terror to consolidate their power and impose Gleichschaltung on people deemed to be enemies of the State. Furthermore, Hitler staged new election in March in order to gain a complete majority in the Reichstag. Thus, systematically, Hitler transformed Germany into Nazi Germany, a brutal dictatorship.
Emergency Decrees
The Weimar democracy granted rights of political opposition, but it also gave the government the power to rule by emergency decree. On February 4, 1933, with President Hindenburg's authorisation, Hitler invoked Section 48 of the Weimar Constitution and began issuing a series of emergency orders that limited protest and opposition. On February 27, the Reichstag, the German parliament, was set on fire by a young Dutch anarchist, Marinus van der Lubbe, who was tried and executed. The Nazis blamed the Communists. Hitler took advantage of this event to issue further decrees investing the government with vast powers. Ostensibly meant to prevent a Communist revolution, these decrees created the legal foundation for the reign of terror, which the government had already begun to introduce in the first month of Nazi rule.
The Emergency Decrees of February 27, 1933
'By the authority of Section 48(2) of the German Constitution the following is decreed as a defensive measure against Communist acts of Violence endangering the State. 1) …restrictions on personal liberty, on the right of free expression of opinion, including freedom of the press, on the right of assembly and association, and violation of the privacy of postal, telegraphic and telephonic communication, and warrants for house-searches, confiscation orders as well as restrictions on property rights are permissible beyond the legal limits otherwise prescribed. 2) If in any German state the measure necessary for the restoration of public security and order are not taken, the Reich Government may temporarily take over the power of the supreme authority in such a state in order to restore security.' (Noakes & Pridham 174)
Gleichschaltung Along with their goal of political primacy, the Nazis sought total social control through a gradual but systematic Gleichschaltung . The purpose of this policy was to achieve unity between the Nazi ideology and the policies and practices of the German state and society. The process began with the Nazi Fuehrerprinzip , that is the principle of complete control of all powers and institutions by the dictator or in his name. Thus institutions such as the Reichstag, the presidency, the federal states, churches, trade unions, and the legal system were deprived of the ability to function autonomously. Gleichschaltung often depended on intimidation and the Nazis used their own police apparatuses to enforce it. In those cases where the new regime was compelled to leave existing institutions untouched, they created parallel organisations subordinated directly to the party and not to the state. While this 'dual system' strengthened Nazi control, at the same time it also created competition between different agencies and inefficiency in the management.
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Hitler's principal instruments in imposing Gleichschaltung through terror and intimidation were the SA and the SS. The SA (Sturmabteilung ), 'storm detachment', was founded in 1921 out of the armed squads that provided security at Nazi party conferences. The SS ( Schutzstaffeln), 'protection squads', was founded in 1925, chiefly to protect Hitler and party leaders. In January 1929, Heinrich Himmler was placed in charge of the SS and its 280 members; the SA had 60,000 members at that time. The two organisations gathered considerable strength in the early 1930's, both seeking to bolster their status and expand their influence within the framework of the totalitarian state. By amassing power and introducing violent methods, they became threatening and efficient enforcement mechanisms in the regime's service. The growth aspirations of the SA and the SS occasioned tensions and rivalries that peaked on June 30, 1934, the 'Night of the Long Knives'. That night, actions planned by the commanders of the SS and authorised by Hitler, approximately 1,000 members of the SA, mainly its leaders, were murdered. The SA was destroyed as an agent of influence and importance in the Nazi State, although it remained numerically large. From then on, the SS grew in strength until it achieved total dominion over most of the controlling and supervisory mechanisms of the state.
Gleichschaltung in the Federal States
One of the strategic goals in applying Gleichschaltung was to staff all levels of government with Nazi Party loyalists. The Minister of the Interior implemented this strategy by the combined use of SA terror and emergency decrees to appoint local Nazi leaders. Reichsstatthalter (Reich Governors) were appointed on behalf of the Reich in all German states; parallel to that, Gauleiter (district council presidents) were designated on behalf of the party. The power invested in the Governors allowed them to dissolve local legislatures and appoint puppet governments. By January 30, 1934, this process had been completed in the federal level, although at the municipal level never more than 60% of the mayors were Nazis. An idea of the powers and modus operandi of the local Governors is conveyed by an account in the DNVP (German National People's Party) newspaper in Luebeck, 1934: The district council president took the opportunity to address the new mayors and council members and to issue policy guidelines.... [He] emphasised that from now on the leadership principle [ Fuehrerprinzip ] would be in effect in all communities... The mayor now was to have unchallenged authority within his community'. (Sax & Kuntz 146)
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Gleichschaltung in Bavaria
One of the few German states that attempted to resist Gleichschaltung in its local government was Bavaria. Here an attempt was made to obstruct the Nazi regime by means of a constitutional monarchy under Crown Prince Ruprecht. The Bavarian leadership planned to have the Crown Prince installed as commissar-general of the Reich and, subsequently, to declare the restoration of the monarchy. However, the Bavarians' hopes of earning support for this scheme in central-government circles was dashed. On March 9, armed SA and SS men flooded the streets of Munich and waved the swastika flag over city hall. In response of this situation, Interior Minister Frick invoked the emergency order of February 28 in Bavaria. The next day, March 10, Ritter von Epp, a Nazi, was appointed to the post of commissar of Bavaria, thus completing the Gleichschaltung process in this state as in the others.
Terror
The Nazi State installed an apparatus of terror and violence to achieve the political and social domination of Germany. Both the transition from democracy to dictatorship and the implementation of Gleichschaltung went hand-in-hand with their willingness to liquidate any political party, entity, or individual that might challenge the totality of their control. As part of this apparatus, the Nazis, starting in March 1933 and proceeding gradually during the first three years of their rule, established a network of concentration camps that served as an unprecedented tool of political persecution. Since members of the SS and the SA were engulfed in rivalries, the latter established improvised camps of their own, in order to flaunt their initiative and power versus the better organised camps of the SS. The people interned in the camps during these years were defined as 'menaces to the nation,' and it was their fate to endure a harsh regimen meant to change their political views.
Reign of Fear in Thalburg
Several residents of Thalburg, a town of 10,000 in Hanover, testified about the dread and the political paralysis that the Nazi terror regime evoked. The following comment is by Hans Abbenrode: It wasn't so much that criticism was dangerous. It was pointless. Still I never felt free to say what I wanted, never felt a sense of personal freedom... It was well known that Otto Made [the Gestapo agent] kept himself informed on what Thalburgers thought'. Erhardt Knorpel had the following to say: In general all people who were independent or who stuck to their own opinions were roughly handled or put to the side when the time came for favours. You could be boycotted, you could be driven out of business. These things were noticed by most people, who learned from the fate of others. It was pure force applied to politics and it meant that the Nazis got anything they wanted'. (Allen 179)
The March 1933 Elections
Despite a climate of terror and intimidation, the elections on March 5, 1933 did not produce a Nazi majority. Managing to increase Nazi seats by only 10%, Hitler was again forced to form a coalition government. Political primacy had not come democratically through the ballot box. Therefore, determined to govern without restraint, and still seeking to preserve the legitimacy of his rule, Hitler devised a legal fiction for grasping dictatorial power. On March 23, at the first session of the new Reichstag, Hitler succeeded, over Social Democratic Party opposition, in obtaining passage of the Enabling Law. The Reichstag voted to entrust all legislative powers to the government. With this manoeuvre, Hitler advanced another step toward his goal of absolute power. (Attach the results of the November 1932 and March 1933 elections.)
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The Enabling Law: 23 March 1933
'Article 1. In addition to the procedure for the passage of legislation outlined in the Constitution, the Reich Cabinet is also authorised to enact laws... Article 3. The national laws enacted by the Reich Cabinet shall be prepared by the Chancellor and published in the official gazette... Article 4. Treaties of the Reich with foreign states, which concern matters of domestic legislation do not require the consent of the bodies participating in legislation... '(Noakes & Pridham 194-5)
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Potsdam Day- Interactive Picture
General background: When the Reichstag election of March 5 failed to bring Hitler his expected majority, he decided to stress a national alliance with the other centers of power in the state. In a gigantic display at Potsdam on 21 March, staged by Propaganda Minister Joseph Goebbels, Hitler opened the deeply impressed the audience by repeating national conservative slogans from the Weimar years. His objective was to emphasise continuity with tradition in order to strengthen the legitimacy of his regime. The place: The Potsdam ceremony took place on March 21, 1933, before the opening of the new Reichstag, on the anniversary of the convocation of Bismarck's Reichstag in 1871. The solemn ceremony was held in front of the tomb of Frederick the Great in the historic Potsdam Garrison Church. This city of the Prussian kings stood in sharp contrast to Weimar, the seat of the despised republic. Hindenburg: Apart from members of the Government and the Reichstag, the ceremony was attended by President Hindenburg dressed in the uniform of a Prussian Field Marshal. His appearance symbolised the patriotic militaristic traditions of Imperial Germany. Hitler: For the first time in his political career, Hitler appeared in tails and a top hat instead of his usual party uniform. He bowed to the old president, shook his hand and afterwards said in his speech, In a remarkable resurrection the honour of our people was restored in recent weeks. Due to your special understanding, Herr General Field Marshal, a bond has been affirmed between the symbols of the old greatness and the new might. We are grateful to you'. The audience: Army officers and soldiers, members of the Stahlhelm and the SA, people from the civil service and middle-class citizens witnessed the ceremony. By addressing this crowd in his speech, Hitler tried to assure the army and the traditional forces for the preservation of the state that their influence would continue under the new regime. The pomp and circumstance of the ceremony was intended to deflect the people's attention from the terrorist methods of the Nazis.
Liquidation of Political Parties
Hitler continued to manoeuvre on the stage of public politics. To further neutralise the Reichstag's powers, the Nazis outlawed the parties on the left. As for the rightist parties - including the Nazi Party's coalition partners, the Enabling Law had made their participation in enacting legislation and ratifying government legally unnecessary and they were forced to dissolve. By July 14, 1933, the One-Party State was proclaimed by the Nazis.
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In a letter written by parents of a member of the Communist youth movement, arrested after the Communist party was outlawed, they asked: Our son Georg A., aged 16, was taken into protective custody on 13.4.33 apparently because he was a member of the Communist youth movement. We fervently ask for the release of our son. We request that his youth and his state of health be taken into consideration. The boy has already had his share of incomparable suffering which has led him to chose this line of activity. He also underwent surgery a short while ago'. (Becker 282)
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Opposition to the New Regime
Apart from attempts at political opposition, which the Nazi terror apparatus systematically repressed, certain individuals were prompted by their moral dictates to act against the regime's decrees. The Nazi attempt to usurp key positions in the Protestant Church, and the appointment of a Nazi representative to the post of Reich Bishop, unleashed a fierce protest in religious circles. In September 1933, an Emergency League composed of two thousand clergymen convened under Martin Niemoeller. The participants in this conference declared their opposition to the Nazi regime's attack on Christian theology and their intent to prevent politicisation of and coercion in the Protestant church. In May 1934, members of the League established the Confessional Church ( Bekennende Kirche ) as a counterweight to Gleichschaltung .
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In their manifesto, the founders of the Bekennende Kirche explained that: We reject the false doctrine, as though the state over and beyond its special commission (providing for justice and peace) should become the single and totalitarian order of human life, thus fulfilling the Church's vocational as well. We reject the false doctrine, as though the Church over and beyond its special commission (proclaiming the Kingdom of God, God's commandment and righteousness) should and could appropriate the characteristics, the tasks, and the dignity of the state, thus itself becoming an organ of the state'. (Helmreich 162-3) However, even this Church, meant in essence to maintain ecclesiastical autonomy, was eventually forced to submit to the regime's demands.
